With the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5, the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) has re-entered the political spotlight. The JI had been under immense pressure under Hasina’s Awami League (AL) government. Several leaders were convicted and jailed, even executed for their role in the 1971 Liberation War. Hundreds of JI leaders and activists were jailed and its offices were sealed.
Days before its fall, the Hasina government imposed a ban on JI. Following Hasina’s exit from the country, Bangladesh Army Chief Waker-uz-Zaman called a meeting with political leaders, and despite being a banned party, JI’s Ameer Dr. Shafiqur Rahman was invited to participate.
Bangladesh’s interim government has since lifted the ban on JI. Its offices have been reopened and it has resumed its activities. Rahman has gained praise on social media for his composed and measured speeches, although critics continue to point out the party’s controversial past of collaborating with Pakistan during the 1971 war.
There are questions regarding JI’s participation in future elections. Will it contest as part of an alliance with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party? What would governance under a JI government look like? Does it believe in the spirit of the Liberation War? In an interview with The Diplomat’s Bangladesh correspondent, Saqlain Rizve, on September 22, Rahman said that the JI is “uncompromising in protecting the independence and sovereignty of the country.”
The full interview, edited lightly for clarity, is below.
After more than a decade, the JI is back in its office. How do you feel about this newfound freedom for your party and the people of Bangladesh?
Before I share how the JI feels about the new freedom, I’d like to explain how the nation feels. It wasn’t just us who were oppressed under the previous government. Yes, JI has been the biggest target of its oppression, but the whole nation is now breathing a sigh of relief. Most importantly, people can finally speak freely again. Take a look at the media. Where was journalism in this country during AL rule? Journalists who wanted to speak the truth were silenced. Now, we, the common people, and the media have regained our freedom. Overall, it feels good, and we are grateful for Allah’s mercy.
Since August 5, unrest has spread nationwide, with AL leaders’ homes vandalized and looted. Some leaders were killed. Mob justice is also increasing. What is JI’s stance on these issues?
Firstly, we are against any form of oppression. We are against taking the law into our hands. No one can oppress a human being, however big a criminal s/he is. Action should be taken according to the law. Also, if a criminal belongs to a religion other than Islam or is a citizen of another country and commits a crime, legal action should be taken.
AL General Secretary and former Minister Obaidul Quader said that if the AL government falls, 500,000 AL leaders and workers would be killed by people from other parties across the country. Why did they fear this? Because they know about their crimes. However, it didn’t happen. Not 500,000, not even 50,000, nor 500 or even 5 AL leaders or activists were killed. This was not solely due to our efforts. It was possible only through the mercy of Allah and the responsible behavior of the people of this country.
As a party, the JI could have taken revenge on the AL for the torture it meted out to us. But from the very beginning, we have been urging our party workers and our countrymen not to take the law into their hands. We have no intention of taking revenge.
Globally in the past decade, many autocrats have fallen from power. But their countries continue to face unstable economic and political situations post-dictatorship. Consequently, some believe the current time is very challenging for Bangladesh. What are your thoughts on this?
The situation in Bangladesh may not be exactly the same as in other countries, but there are some similarities. That’s why we need to learn from those experiences.
We’ve already seen various conspiracies — the failed judicial coup, the chaos stirred up by some Ansar force at the Secretariat, and attempts to create unrest in different places, including the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) areas, for example — attempting to unfold. But none of these could succeed because of the unity and patriotism of the people. I’m hopeful that this sense of unity will continue in the future.
During AL rule over the past decade, JI’s offices around the country were sealed. The party faced several restrictions. How did it manage its activities amidst this situation?
Our activities did not stop even when the office was closed. Instead of holding meetings with 500 people, we limited meetings to smaller groups of 50. We would sit in a safe place. This made the process more time-consuming. With the onset of the COVID-19 lockdown, we shifted our activities online. At the beginning of this year, we decided to resume physical operations and to stand against whatever obstacles came before us. However, we were not permitted to hold outdoor meetings or gatherings on the streets.
Some believe that JI was the driving force behind the anti-Hasina movement. Many also claim that several key coordinators of the anti-quota student movement had ties to JI politics. How accurate are these claims?
JI is one of the oldest political parties in Bangladesh. We have taken to the streets many times with the people’s demands, and this time is no different. However, we will never claim to be the mastermind behind this movement. It was a movement of the oppressed people. The student community began this protest with a reasonable demand. The previous government’s harsh response to this peaceful movement led to its downfall. And I cannot say for sure if any of the movement’s coordinators are connected to JI politics. But even if they are, being part of JI is not a crime, just as not being involved isn’t either.
What are JI’s expectations from the interim government? While other major opposition parties are pushing for early elections, JI has not shown the same urgency. Could you explain why?
First, a fair election requires certain reforms. An interim government cannot be expected to implement all the reforms, nor can they as they are not a political government. Therefore, we first want a roadmap for reforms, then a roadmap for elections.
The autocratic AL regime has left the country in a fragile state across all sectors, so the interim government will need adequate time, but not unlimited time to reform. We will soon engage with them in a conversation and request a roadmap.
It has been two months since the interim government took charge in Bangladesh. Is JI satisfied with its performance?
Our country has a lot of wounds. A major movement led to the loss of lives, injuries, and damage to state property. Law enforcement is struggling to revive, and the economy isn’t in good shape either. On top of that, the government had to deal with devastating floods in different parts of the country soon after taking office.
Given everything that’s happened, I believe they’re doing their best. Sure, they may not have met everyone’s expectations yet. But what they’ve managed to achieve so far shouldn’t be overlooked.
Will JI contest all 300 seats in the general elections? Or will JI contest the election as part of an alliance with other parties? Various Islamic groups have shown interest in allying with JI, which hasn’t been the case in the past.
We’ve formed alliances before based on the people’s demands. As of now, we haven’t made any decision on whether to ally with another party for this election.
During the AL regime, many JI leaders were tried as liberation war criminals. How does JI feel about these trials?
We have no objection to trying war criminals. The list of 195 war criminals was created during the presidency of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the first post-war leader. This list primarily included Pakistani military officials who were accused of committing atrocities during the war. No one from our party was on that original list of war criminals. However, these individuals were not prosecuted at that time.
Then in 2009 when the AL came to power, they established the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) of Bangladesh. The ICT convicted numerous individuals, many of whom were associated with our political party. These trials have been widely regarded as controversial; the allegations leveled against us and the judgments in the past 15 years are nothing but judicial killings based on lies.
Various speeches and writings by Ghulam Azam, who was JI’s Ameer during the liberation war, clearly show support for the West Pakistan government. He also became part of the Peace Committee, which was established by pro-Pakistan leaders to aid the Pakistani military’s efforts against the independence movement. So, how is his conviction a lie?
Of course, he was in the Peace Committee. If he committed violence in the name of this committee then we have no issue with his prosecution. However, all the allegations against him were fabricated. This is what we call “judicial killing.”
On April 29, 1971, Pakistani policymakers held a meeting with political leaders. JI did not express support for any genocide at that meeting. The Pakistani military forces had already begun the genocide on the night of March 25 without any political party’s consent.
Does JI believe in the spirit of the liberation war?
Of course, we do. And we are uncompromising in protecting the independence and sovereignty of the country.
If JI comes to power, how will it maintain relations with India? It is widely believed in India that they can only rely on an AL government.
First of all, the sentiments of the people of our country regarding India reflect our own. India and Bangladesh are two independent countries, and it is natural for good relations to exist between neighboring states. We aspire to maintain such relations as well. However, there must be respect and equality between both parties. I don’t want to comment on India’s actions in the past years, but we remain optimistic about the future.
In recent years, anti-India sentiment has risen among the people of Bangladesh and other South Asian countries, with the #BoycottIndia hashtag trending on social media. Given this context, wouldn’t it be challenging to maintain good relations with India?
Look, the United States is a large country, and it is bordered by two countries — Canada and Mexico. Do they ever use an anti-America hashtag? No, they don’t. Why? Because the U.S. treats them with respect and equality. It is the responsibility of every neighboring country to foster positive relations. Given the rising negative attitudes towards India in the region, we believe India should reassess its foreign policy towards its neighbors.
Initially, the government announced a ban on hilsa (fish) exports to West Bengal for Durga Puja, but later reversed the decision and chose to export 3,000 tons instead. How does JI perceive this?
There is no need to worry about this matter. It is natural for two neighboring countries to engage in import and export activities. There should be no issue even if gifts are exchanged. However, the relationship should not be unilateral, as we have seen during previous governments.
Day by day, the interest of powerful countries like the United States, Russia, and China in Bangladesh is increasing in order to assert their dominance in the region. What will JI’s relationship with these powers be if it comes to power?
Our constitution states that all democratic countries are our friends, and we will embrace this. From a business perspective, we will engage with those who offer us good deals. We will also seek assistance from those who respect us. Overall, we aim to maintain good relations with everyone while prioritizing our country’s interests. However, we will not bow down to anyone or become subservient.
How does JI view the challenges in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), and what is their perspective on resolving the issues related to the indigenous communities there?
We believe that all people living within the borders of Bangladesh, including those in the CHT, are citizens with equal rights. We do not differentiate between people based on where they live. Since Bangladesh’s independence, successive governments have attempted to address the issues in the CHT, but a lasting solution has yet to be achieved.
JI emphasizes that improving the quality of life in the CHT should go beyond developing tourism. It is crucial to establish proper hospitals, schools, and other essential services to support the people. We also recognize a cultural and social gap between the Indigenous communities in the hills and the people in the plains, though this gap is not universal. Efforts must be made to bridge this divide while respecting their unique cultural identity. While the indigenous people of the CHT are Bangladeshi citizens, they are not Bengali, and we fully support their right to maintain their distinct cultural heritage.
There is a perception in society that if Jamaat comes to power, Bangladesh will be governed like Afghanistan under the Taliban. People fear that women will not be able to wear what they want, there will be restrictions on freedom, and Bangladeshi art will suffer. Will Jamaat govern the country this way?
Islam does not grant anyone the right to impose anything on others. Therefore, we will not impose anything on anyone. On the contrary, we will ensure everyone’s safety. A woman can dress as she chooses, a free thinker can think freely, and a filmmaker can make films in his own style. However, we must ensure that the moral fabric of society is not damaged. Although there are often conflicts regarding individual views on morality, we hope to resolve these issues within society.
And just as Bangladesh will not decide how Afghanistan is governed, Afghanistan will not determine how Bangladesh is run. There is no point in such thinking. We believe in the modern democratic process and will continue to uphold it.