When Myanmar’s military seized power on the morning of February 1, 2021, tens of thousands of state workers immediately went on strike. These spontaneous strikes, which involved everyone from bureaucrats and medical workers at state hospitals to members of the miltiary, soon formed a loose network known as the Civil Disobedience Movement, or CDM, to protest the military’s latest brazen incursion into Myanmar’s political life. The CDM offered an early sign of the armed uprising that would coalesce later in the year, and provided an ongoing network of support for those who have been uprooted by the post-coup conflict.
Among those who joined the strikes after the coup was Tuang Za Khai, a university lecturer from Chin State in the country’s northwest. Now teaching at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in Israel, Tuang Za Khai remains actively involved with the CDM from abroad. He spoke with The Diplomat’s Southeast Asia Editor Sebastian Strangio about how the CDM coalesced, the country’s post-coup brain-drain, and the role the “CDMers” continue to play in Myanmar’s civil war.
Let’s start with the morning of the coup: February 1, 2021. Where were you and what was your job at the time? What do you recall about how that day unfolded?
On the morning of February 1, 2021, I was at home in Kalay, getting ready for another day of teaching at Kalay University. I was a lecturer in the Department of Botany. I remember waking up and checking my phone as usual, but something was off. The internet wasn’t working properly, and I couldn’t access my social media or news apps. At first, I thought it was just a normal connection problem, you know how it can be sometimes. It wasn’t until I turned on the TV that I realized something big was happening. The news was about a military takeover, and I couldn’t believe my eyes. As the day went on, more information started to trickle in. We found out that Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders had been arrested. The streets were unusually quiet, with people staying indoors, unsure of what might happen next. I remember feeling a mix of shock, fear, and disbelief. We’d made so much progress towards democracy, and suddenly it felt like we were going backwards.
When did you decide that you would take part in civil disobedience actions, and when was the CDM first formed?
I decided to take part in civil disobedience actions soon after the coup happened. It was a tough decision, but I felt I had to do something to stand up against what was happening. The CDM started almost immediately after the coup on February 1. It really took off on February 2, when healthcare workers at state-run hospitals were among the first to announce they wouldn’t work under the military government. For us in education, things moved fast too. I remember talking with some colleagues in those first few days, and we were all struggling with what to do. By February 3 or 4, many of us had decided to join the CDM.
Tell us a bit about how the CDM functioned in practice. How was the group led, and how did it make decisions about how to conduct civil disobedience actions and work stoppages? How did you deal with the military’s ruthless crackdowns?
I don’t know exactly how other departments started their CDM, but I can tell you about what happened in the education sector, especially at my university. There wasn’t really a leader who initiated or organized the CDM. It was more like everyone just reached a point where they couldn’t bear to work under the military anymore. Just no one was in the office to work. We didn’t have any formal CDM group.
Tuang Za Khai poses for a photo outside the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in Jerusalem, Israel. (Photo Supplied)
As time went on, we started to get more organized, especially when civilians began offering support to those who joined CDM, and when the National Unity Government (NUG) was formed and claimed to pay salaries to CDMers. This helped us connect more effectively with both the NUG and civilians. When the military learned about this, they intensified their crackdown on the CDM. Dealing with these crackdowns was really tough. It became more difficult for us to organize and get support. Despite this, we tried to keep supporting each other as best we could. For example, some civilians shared resources or helped hide colleagues who were at risk, changing locations from place to place. We faced a lot of challenges, but we did our best to keep the spirit of resistance alive.
Is the CDM still operating within Myanmar today and how does it function nowadays? What sort of actions is it able to undertake, given the extremely repressive environment?
Yes, the CDM is still operating in Myanmar today. Nowadays, several areas, especially remote ones, are under the control of the NUG. In those areas, education, healthcare, and administration are mostly run by CDMers. In urban areas, although the NUG doesn’t have control yet, CDMers are still active. The military crackdown on the CDM is not as severe as before, as civilians are no longer offering support, and the NUG is not paying salaries to CDMers as they had previously claimed. However, every CDMer still needs to be careful and watch out for any information leaking about them that could put their life in danger.
What challenges did you have leaving Myanmar, and how have you managed the transition to living and working in Israel?
It was really challenging to leave Myanmar. Applying for a passport as a CDMer was almost impossible and too dangerous, with a very high chance of ending up in prison. I found several possible ways to make it happen and finally succeeded with the help of a police officer, and I left the country as a civilian. The process took a lot of time, which made me postpone my start time in Israel as a postdoctoral researcher for more than one semester.
Tell us a bit about your current efforts to support Myanmar’s students from overseas. What obstacles do you face in providing education to students still inside the country?
I serve as a teaching fellow at the Burmese American Community Institute and the Zomi Education Working Group, contributing to online education efforts to support students from Myanmar. One major obstacle we face is that many educational activities are concentrated in remote areas, where access to the internet is limited. Most students who can participate in our programs are from urban areas, where they have better access to Wi-Fi. However, even in these urban settings, the internet connection remains very weak and it makes providing education to students in Myanmar from abroad challenging. Frequent power outages and security concerns also complicate the situation further.
How do you think the current revolutionary struggle differs from past periods of popular resistance to the military government, and do you foresee a time when you might soon be able to return to Myanmar?
I would say that the current revolutionary struggle in Myanmar differs from past resistance movements in several key ways. The current revolution features a diverse and decentralized coalition of ethnic armed groups, newly formed militias like the People’s Defense Force, and civilian protesters who are still not stopping even today, despite many challenges. Modern technology also plays a crucial role in the current revolution, and the CDM has been a vital part of the resistance, with many civil servants still refusing to work under the military regime to this day.
As for returning to Myanmar, the situation still remains uncertain in my opinion. However, there is hope for a brighter future as the resistance continues to show resilience and adaptability. I believe that significant positive change will soon come for the people of Myanmar, although predicting an exact timeline is challenging.