Xi Jinping holds the founding father of the People’s Republic of China, Mao Zedong, in high esteem. He sometimes copies Mao’s style of dress and displays similar mannerisms. He has even found ways to use Mao’s slogans for his own purposes.
In 1938, Mao said: “Every communist must grasp the truth; political power grows out of the barrel of a gun.”
In modern China, that militant idea serves as a reminder that the authority of the supreme leader rests upon his control over the military.
In what appears to be a deliberate echo of Mao, Xi told senior ranking officers of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army in June 2024: “We must make it clear that the barrels of guns must always be in the hands of those who are loyal and dependable to the [Chinese Communist] Party … And we must make it clear that there is no place for any corrupt elements in the military.”
Since then, a strident campaign to eradicate corruption has continued, leading to the removal of senior officers and political commissars.
Information that has reached the public domain suggests a systematic purge. But much remains hidden, and apparently the obfuscation is deliberate. People accused of corruption tend to disappear; their names redacted from official news sources and social media.
One concrete piece of information was announced by China’s Ministry of Defense in November. It said that a senior admiral named Miao Hua has been removed from his post and placed under investigation for a “serious violation of discipline.”
A purge reminds everyone in the People’s Liberation Army that they must show absolute loyalty to the Communist Party, according to William Matthews, a senior research fellow on the Asia-Pacific Program at Chatham House in London.
Matthews noted in a recent article for Chatham House that Miao was a significant figure within the Central Military Commission (CMC), of which Xi is chair. As director of the CMC’s Political Work Department, Miao was responsible for choosing who would fill senior positions. He was also expected to ensure ideological conformity.
“By suspending Miao, Xi has further demonstrated a willingness to remove a perceived loyalist at the highest levels of China’s military to ensure compliance with his political agenda, set an example, and ensure the PLA develops in the direction he intends,” wrote Matthews.
On November 27, the Financial Times also claimed that China’s Defense Minister Dong Jun was being investigated on corruption charges. FT cited “current and former U.S. officials familiar with the situation” in its report. If true, it would mean that three consecutive defense ministers in China have been ensnared in corruption investigations.
At a press briefing in Beijing, however, Defense Ministry spokesman Wu Qian responded by insisting that the FT report was pure fabrication.
“The rumor-mongers are ill-intentioned. China expresses its strong dissatisfaction with such slanderous behavior,” Wu said.
On December 5, Dong appeared in public in Shanghai, attending a security forum on the Gulf of Guinea. According to Chinese state media, he met with heads of foreign delegations and conveyed China’s willingness to work with the armed forces of other countries.
Helena Legarda, lead analyst of China’s defense and foreign policy at the Mercator Institute for China Studies (MERICS) in Berlin said that it is unusual for party members who are placed under investigation for corruption to later return to their old posts.
“While the investigation might still be ongoing internally, it looks as if Dong Jun will stay on as defense minister for the time being,” she told The Diplomat.
In October 2023, another Central Military Commission member, General Li Shangfu, lost his position as defense minister. In June of this year, Li and his predecessor, Wei Fenghe were dismissed from the CCP and the military on corruption charges.
In Legarda’s view, these developments, along with the official confirmation that Miao Hua – who, as a member of the CMC, outranked Dong – has been suspended, indicate that the anti-corruption campaign within the PLA is ongoing and broadening.
“More officers may be removed as this continues,” she told The Diplomat.
Legarda believes the military has a long-standing and severe corruption problem.
“It is no secret that the PLA has suffered from corruption for a long time. Officers were notorious for taking bribes in exchange for offering soldiers promotions up the ranks. Also, some officers have been involved in shady activities to support their private commercial activities,” she explained. “That is why the initial anti-corruption campaign, which goes all the way back to 2012, initially had a fair amount of support among the public.”
Such purges are a characteristic of a one-party state. However, Legarda said it is hard to tell the extent to which the anti-corruption drive is being used as cover to oust members of the PLA who are perceived as potential rivals to Xi Jinping.
Dong and Miao were both appointed to their positions by Xi himself.
Matthews from Chatham House argued that although the move against his protégés may cause Xi to lose face, loyalty and control of the military is more important to him than anything else.
Nevertheless, purges carry risks.
“In addition to the reputational costs to Xi himself as CCP and CMC chairman, whose personal appointments suggest a pattern of misjudgment, there are consequences for how the PLA is seen by potential adversaries,” Matthews wrote.
Since last year, Chinese authorities have launched disciplinary proceedings against numerous senior military officials, including a former air force chief, senior commanders at the PLA’s strategic missile force, as well as officers who had worked in procurement.
Several executives at major defense contractors have also been abruptly removed as government advisers, stirring speculation over their fate.
Xi’s critics say that the anti-corruption campaign fails to address core issues. By focusing on individual purges, rather than institutional reform, it has created a cycle of high-profile dismissals that have undermined trust between the military and government.
At an international level, questions are being asked about how this struggle will affect the PLA’s combat capability.
“These purges signal chaos and disarray,” said Legarda.
“That can have an impact on the image of the PLA and the perception of China’s willingness to use force. If Xi Jinping keeps having to replace top leaders because they are corrupt, how is he or other party leaders going to trust generals when they say they are ready to run a successful military campaign against Taiwan, or engage in conflict in the South China Sea?”
In Legarda’s view, troubles within the military could reduce the appetite for conflict – at least in the short term. Xi’s urgent mission now is to fill the top ranks of the PLA with officers whom he trusts to “fight and win wars” upon his command.