At the start of this month, Malaysia assumed the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), with the aim of fostering political stability and economic prosperity for its members.
The organization, which has been wrought with division in recent years, looked to be transitioning to a safe pair of hands in Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, a longtime human rights advocate.
However, the developing composition of Anwar’s top team in recent weeks is reason for serious concern.
The appointment of Cambodia’s former prime minister, Hun Sen, as a “personal advisor” to the Malaysian leader is particularly troubling, given Hun Sen’s propensity for violence and track record of rolling back democratic freedoms. It suggests that despite the talk of a shift towards greater protection of human rights and democratic principles by ASEAN under Malaysia’s chairmanship, much the opposite will ensue.
Hun Sen, who ruled Cambodia for almost four decades before handing over power to his son in 2023, consolidated his regime through methods widely criticized as authoritarian. His government suppressed dissent, dismantled opposition parties, jailed and exiled political opposition, and controlled the media to maintain a political monopoly.
The recent assassination of Lim Kimya, a former Cambodian opposition MP living in exile in France, bore the hallmarks of transnational aggression that characterized Hun Sen’s rule, and which continues today under his son, Hun Manet.
Allies of the Cambodian regime believe Hun Sen’s appointment could help bring “peace” in Myanmar, a country that has been embroiled in a bloody civil war since 2021. But these blatant displays of opposition repression undermine his credibility as a proponent of peace and democracy, raising questions about why he should now be trusted to shape regional policy.
Indeed, his unilateral visit to Myanmar in 2022, when he proudly met junta leader Min Aung Hlaing and failed to ask for an audience with any of the country’s democratic leaders, including the incarcerated Aung San Suu Kyi, fractured ASEAN unity. The trip was condemned for legitimizing the junta and undermining pan-Asian efforts to pressure the regime to cease ongoing violence within the country. Hun Sen’s legacy, as then-chair of ASEAN, was to divide the organization and embolden authoritarian actors in the region.
ASEAN was created in 1967 to prevent disputes between member states over conflicting territorial claims, as well as to create a common front against communism. While the communist threat has receded, the organization has retained its importance in regional security issues. Following the coup in Myanmar, its members developed a realistic policy response that is still to be implemented: a Five-Point Consensus, which seeks the cessation of violence, inclusive national dialogue, and humanitarian assistance.
But these efforts to restore peace in the country have since failed. The country’s civil war rages on, fueled by forced conscription. A recent report by the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights found that 5,350 civilians have been killed by the junta since 2021, while the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners reports that 28,096 have been arrested on political charges and 2 million people displaced by the conflict.
Despite this backdrop, the junta in Myanmar has said that it plans to hold elections later this year. This will effectively place the country in the same category as Cambodia, where authoritarian power is papered over with a thin veneer of democratic legitimacy.
Cambodia’s last two national elections, in 2018 and 2023, took place without any recognized opposition party being allowed to run. As was the case for these Cambodian elections, there’s no chance of any credible international election observers agreeing to go to Myanmar.
Worryingly, there are signs that, rather than inching closer to an implementation of the Five-Point Consensus under Malaysia’s chairmanship, there could be a fresh thwarting of efforts to bring peace, a la Hun Sen in 2022. The appointment of Thaksin Shinawatra, father of current Thai leader Paetongtarn Shinawatra, to an unspecified advisory role alongside Hun Sen, together with Bangkok’s feting of the junta’s Foreign Minister Than Swe in December 2024, is threatening to move ASEAN further away from facilitating negotiations between Myanmar’s warring sides.
Anwar Ibrahim’s background, together with Malaysia’s reputation as a progressive leader in the ASEAN, should be cause for optimism. However, the appointment of Hun Sen and Thaksin suggests there is a disconnect between Ibrahim’s words and actions.
If the Malaysian government is serious about fostering peace in the ASEAN neighborhood – including Myanmar – it would focus its efforts on creating transparent and robust mechanisms for the appointment of special advisors or envoys to Myanmar. Under Anwar’s chairmanship, it must reject transnational repression by its member states, and impose penalties on the junta for ignoring the five-point consensus. These moves will help to create a more humane and secure region for all citizens of ASEAN nations.