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The First India-Pakistan Drone War

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The First India-Pakistan Drone War

The recent crisis represented the first instance in which both military forces utilized drones as a kinetic platform. It’s unlikely to be the last.

The First India-Pakistan Drone War

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits an exhibition at the inauguration of the Loitering Munition Testing Range and Runway facility for UAVs at Solar Defence and Aerospace Limited, in Nagpur, Maharashtra on March 30, 2025.

Credit: Government of India

The recent India-Pakistan crisis marked the first formal drone exchange between the two neighbors, starting on the night of May 7 with India’s launch of Operation Sindoor, followed by Pakistan’s response in the form of Operation Bunyan-um-Marsoos. Strikes continued over the ensuing 72 hours, until the announcement of a ceasefire. 

During the conflict, the extensive use of drones, particularly by New Delhi, stood out. India deployed cost-effective aerial platforms – including Harop, Harpy, Nagastra-1, Warmate R, Warmate 3, and ASL drones – into Pakistan’s airspace in three distinct waves from May 7 to May 10. In turn, Pakistan’s armed forces also launched drones at India early on May 10. Thus, this crisis represented the first instance where both military forces utilized drones as a kinetic platform, hitting military targets and causing panic among civilians.  

The first example of drone warfare in South Asia began with the striking of a target inside Pakistan by an Indian drone at the beginning of India’s Operation Sindoor. Following this, the Indian military began to send waves of drones. The initial wave aimed to assess the response of Pakistan’s air defense network, identifying the locations of camouflaged early warning radars and surface-to-air missile batteries. These drones were part of India’s Suppression of Enemy Air Defenses (SEAD) mission to paralyze Pakistan’s air defense nodes, thus reducing their ability to detect, track, and engage Indian aerial platforms. 

To accomplish these missions, initially, 30 Israeli-made Harop drones were sent by the Indian military, of which Pakistan neutralized 29. This first wave of Indian “kamikaze” drones targeted multiple locations in Punjab and Sindh province, causing “partial damage to equipment” associated with Pakistan’s army air defense, along with injuring four soldiers. To counter Indian drones’ SEAD mission, the Pakistani military set up decoy radars to draw in the Harops. 

The Indian drones in this campaign were equipped with sensors that could detect signals emanating from radars, thus passing on their precise locations to the Indian command centers. To deny India this advantage, the Pakistani military, therefore, intentionally did not fire any missiles from its air defense sites to neutralize the incoming drones. Instead, Pakistan employed both soft and hard kill methods to intercept these systems. 

The Pakistani military has not so far revealed which systems were deployed to jam the Indian drones, but the soft kill systems could include GIDS Spyder. In one example, an Indian Warmate drone was reportedly intercepted by Pakistan’s army electronic warfare systems near Lahore. 

On the hard kill side, an Oerlikon 35mm twin-barrel anti-aircraft gun guided by Skyguard radar was used in shooting down Indian drones. Various public images have shown attempts to shoot down New Delhi’s fleet of slow-moving aerial platforms using Oerlikon guns, which are part of the Pakistan Army’s Air Defense Corps. 

During the second wave, as reported by Pakistan’s military spokesperson, 48 Indian drones were launched from the evening of May 8. The modus operandi of these drones remained similar to their predecessors. In the third wave, however, India amended its operational tactic and programmed drones to hit other critical infrastructure besides conducting SEAD missions. In the early hours of May 10 Indian attack on three PAF air bases (Shorkot, Murid, and Nur Khan), drones were launched along with missiles, as evidence by the interception of Indian drones by Pakistan. The wreckage of one of the drones fell in Gulberg Green, which lies close to the Nur Khan air base, injuring one civilian. 

Pakistan responded by launching its drones against multiple targets inside India in the early hours of May 10, the fourth day of the crisis. Pakistan’s Yiha-III class loitering and Asisguard Songar drones targeted airfields, ammunition depots, and military cantonments. Pakistan launched only one wave of drones; however, India claimed that Pakistani drones violated India’s airspace even before the commencement of Operation Banyan um Marsoos. 

As per Indian officials’ claim, Pakistan targeted 36 different military targets with 300-400 drones, although no concrete evidence was provided. In addition, India’s Border Security Force Rajasthan sector spokesperson claimed that Indian forces had neutralized 413 drones in Rajasthan state alone. The claim is unrealistic. The figures seem even more dubious because Indian officials also claimed to have shot down Pakistani F-16 and JF-17 combat aircraft, which has been debunked. 

Pakistan and India adopted distinct strategies for employing drones. The Indian military focused mainly on using drones for SEAD missions, while Pakistan targeted airfields, ammunition depots, and military bases. Drones were also deployed for surveillance to locate camouflaged systems. Additionally, they aimed to overwhelm the enemy’s air defenses, forcing them to use costly missiles against these aerial threats. Beyond striking military assets, a significant purpose of deploying drones was to inflict a psychological impact by causing panic among the local population. The slow-moving drones, hovering above and producing wailing sounds, caused great anxiety for civilians. 

The recent use of drones from May 7-10 is just the beginning, as both militaries are anticipated to incorporate them in future operations. Drones are economical, can be deployed in large numbers, are less deadly than missiles, are simpler to intercept, and tend to create fewer escalation issues compared to other military assets. Considering these characteristics, along with India’s historical actions, it is likely that drones will be used more frequently, even in non-urgent situations. 

In the upcoming months, Indian drones may traverse not only the Line of Control but also the international border with Pakistan. If so, Pakistan will also respond in line with its policy of quid-pro-quo plus. Under these circumstances, sightings of drones across the border could become a routine matter. 

The only way to avoid such a serious issue in the future is through bilateral confidence-building measures, such as an agreement restricting the flying of drones within 5 kilometers of the line dividing Pakistan and India. However, with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent remarks in which he threatened Pakistani civilians with bullets, it is almost impossible that such an agreement can become a reality. Therefore, drones will continue to cross borders on both sides.