As Emmanuel Macron wrapped up his visits to Vietnam, Indonesia, and Singapore – where he delivered the keynote address at the Shangri-La Dialogue at the end of May – the French president reaffirmed the Indo-Pacific’s strategic importance for both France and Europe. In a context of growing geopolitical uncertainty and renewed unilateralism, Macron emphasized France’s commitment to a stable, multipolar order grounded in international law, freedom of navigation, and inclusive multilateralism – an international posture shared with key partners such as India, Japan, and ASEAN.
Building on this common strategic vision, and as the only remaining European Union (EU) member state with sovereign territories in the Indo-Pacific, France seeks to position its diplomacy not only as a national actor but also as a standard-bearer for European engagement in the region.
The exercise of sovereignty is precisely what underpins France’s specificity and credibility as a resident power. The French Indo-Pacific overseas collectivities (FIPOCs) – La Réunion, Mayotte, les TAAF (or South Antarctic Lands), New Caledonia, Wallis and Futuna, French Polynesia, and Clipperton – which together have a population of 1.65 million inhabitants, play a central role in the construction and elaboration of a credible strategy.
Notably, 93 percent of France’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) lies in the Indian and Pacific Oceans, making it the second largest EEZ in the world after that of the United States. There are also around 200,000 French expats residing in countries of the region, more than 7,000 French subsidiary companies operating in the region, and 8 000 military personnel stationed permanently.
The assimilation of the FIPOCs into a single geostrategic Indo-Pacific framework is a logical step for a state seeking to assert itself as a legitimate actor in the region. However, despite some common geographical, economic, and political characteristics, grouping the FIPOCs into a single macro-region does not fully reflect the diversity of contexts and geopolitical challenges specific to each territory.
A comprehensive and nuanced understanding of local contexts is thus essential to fully comprehend the complexity of France’s Indo-Pacific engagement. This series will explore each of the FIPOCs separately to understand their characteristics, role in France’s Indo-Pacific strategy, and potential friction points between national and local drivers. You can view the full series here; today, we focus on Mayotte.
A map highlighting the French Indo-Pacific overseas collectivities (FIPOCs). Map by Paco Milhiet.
Mayotte, an island under French administration located approximately 300 kilometers northwest of Madagascar, is geographically and culturally part of the Comoros archipelago, which also includes Grande Comore, Mohéli, and Anjouan. Initially settled by Austronesian and African populations as early as the 8th century CE, Mayotte has historically been a cultural crossroads shaped by Swahili, Persian, Arab, Portuguese, and Malagasy influences.
Claimed by the Comorian state since 1975, the island’s contested sovereignty has given rise to a complex nexus of challenges: mass irregular migration from the nearby island of Anjouan, mounting social tensions, and regional isolation. Despite its strategic location and untapped resource potential, Mayotte struggles to overcome its structural vulnerabilities. The recent devastation caused by Cyclone Chido foreshadows increasing difficulties.
Mayotte is just 70 km away from Anjouan, the nearest Comorian island. Map by Paco Milhiet.
Anatomy of a Postcolonial Divorce
The entire Comorian archipelago became a French overseas territory in 1886. However, a referendum on self-determination held in 1974 marked a turning point: while 95 percent of voters across the archipelago supported independence, 63 percent of Mayotte’s population opted to remain under French sovereignty. Despite the unilateral declaration of independence by the Comoros in July 1975, Mayotte stayed under French administration.
To this day, the Comorian state claims sovereignty over Mayotte, a position supported by the United Nations General Assembly, the African Union, and countries such as Russia. This claim is based on the principle of respect for territorial integrity following decolonization (Uti possidetis juris). Conversely, France emphasizes the principle of self-determination, pointing to the results of several referenda – in 1974, 1976, and 2009 – in which the Mahoran population repeatedly chose to remain part of the French Republic.
Immigration, Security, and Regional Isolation
This unresolved dispute has profound contemporary consequences. Each year, thousands of undocumented migrants cross the narrow maritime channel from Anjouan to Mayotte in rudimentary boats known as kwassa-kwassa, seeking better living conditions on the French territory. Approximately half of Mayotte’s 320 000 inhabitants are foreign nationals. In 2022 alone, French authorities deported over 25,000 irregular migrants to Anjouan. This persistent migration has generated deep social tensions, with rising intercommunal conflict and a pervasive sense of insecurity among the local population.
Franco-Comorian tensions continue to obstruct Mayotte’s regional integration, notably within the Indian Ocean Commission (IOC) – which includes Mauritius, Seychelles, Comoros, Madagascar, and Réunion, but not Mayotte. Despite France being the largest financial contributor to the IOC, Mayotte’s exclusion remains a politically sensitive issue. At the latest IOC summit in 2025, French President Emmanuel Macron publicly advocated for Mayotte’s inclusion, prompting strong objections from Comorian President Azali Assoumani.
A Territory in Crisis – and in the Eye of the Storm
Despite its strategic location along major Indian Ocean trade routes and the presence of natural gas reserves, Mayotte faces severe socio-economic challenges. While significantly wealthier than the Comoros (with a GDP per capita of approximately $10,000 compared to $1,500), Mayotte is the poorest department in France. Over 70 percent of the population lives below the national poverty threshold, unemployment hovers around 35 percent, and 70 percent of births are to Comorian mothers. Demographic pressure is also acute, with projections estimating a population of 750,000 by 2050.
To make matters worse, in December 2024, Cyclone Chido struck the island with winds exceeding 220 kilometers per hour, resulting in 40 deaths and causing an estimated 3.5 billion euros in damages. The cyclone laid bare Mayotte’s structural fragilities: uncontrolled immigration, widespread informal housing, inadequate sanitation systems, and overburdened public services. Over 15,000 households were left without electricity or internet access, and the island experienced severe water shortages for weeks
These converging crises underscore the urgent need for a comprehensive development strategy that addresses both the island’s environmental fragility and its chronic socio-economic disparities. While successive French governments have taken proactive measures to expel illegal immigrants and dismantle informal settlements, repressive policies alone cannot provide a lasting solution. A sustained increase in bilateral cooperation between France and the Comoros – despite persistent political tensions – is essential in the long term.
Without a durable, multifaceted response, the internal instability in Mayotte could ultimately compromise France’s broader Indo-Pacific strategy.